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André Gunder Frank
(1929-2005) A Note on the Death of André
Gunder Frank (1929-2005) Dr. Baburam Bhattarai on the Royal Dictatorship and the Need For a Democratic Republic in Nepal The Future of Organized Labor in the
U.S.: Reinventing Trade Unionism for the 21st Century William H. Hinton
(1919–2004) Can the Working Class Change the
World? A Turn for the Worse in the United
States: Criminalizing Dissent Dr. Baburam Bhattarai on the Failure of the Peace Talks in Nepal Remembering W.E.B. Du Bois
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June 2005, Volume 57 — Number 2 c o n t
e n t s Andre Gunder Frank, one of the leading radical social scientists of the late twentieth century and a long-time friend and contributor to Monthly Review and Monthly Review Press, died on April 23, 2005, at age seventy-six. | more|. A Note on the Death
of Andre Gunder Frank (1929-2005) REVIEW
OF THE MONTH For the past thirty years, the class struggle has been a pretty one-sided affair, with capital delivering a severe beating to labor around the globe. When economic stagnation struck most of the world's advanced capitalist economies, beginning in the mid-1970s, capital went on the offensive, quickly understanding that the best way to maintain and increase profit margins in a period of slow and sporadic economic growth was to cut labor costs. Governments and global lending agencies such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund began to implement policies that made workers increasingly insecure. NEW
THIS WEEK! This year marks the centenary of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), American labor's unique visionaries. It also marks the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the AFL-CIO, the result of the merger of the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organization. Remarkably it is also the tenth anniversary of the change of the guard at the AFL-CIO. In 1995, John Sweeney and his "New Voice" team, expressing the rumblings of disillusionment with then-president and prominent Cold Warrior Lane Kirkland sweeping through the middle and upper ranks of the organization, drove the old guard from the highest offices. The concurrence of the three anniversaries may be more than a coincidence. To see why, let us go back and examine some recent labor history. Crisis in the U.S.
Labor Movement: The Roads Not Taken There is no disputing that these are tough times for the working class and its allies (all those oppressed by capitalism). The working class lacks a political party; social services to assist us with the inevitable problems we face have been eroded; and even our few precious institutions, especially unions, seem overwhelmed by the relentless attacks. Labor Needs a
Radical Vision For forty years, AFL-CIO leaders George Meany and Lane Kirkland saw unorganized workers as a threat when they saw them at all. They drove left-wing activists out of unions and threw the message of solidarity on the scrapheap. Labor's dinosaurs treated unions as a business, representing members in exchange for dues, while ignoring the needs of workers as a whole. A decade ago new leaders were thrust into office in the AFL-CIO, a product of the crisis of falling union density, weakened political power, and a generation of angry labor activists demanding a change in direction. Those ten years have yielded important gains for unions. Big efforts were made to organize strawberry workers in Watsonville, California, asbestos workers in New York and New Jersey, poultry and meatpacking workers in the South, and health care workers throughout the country. Yet in only one year was the pace of organizing fast enough to keep union density from falling. Canadian Labor
Today: Partial Successes, Real Challenges It is undeniably true that the Canadian labor movement has been healthier than our neighbors to the south in the past twenty years. In many ways, Canadian unions represent a positive counterpoint to the crisis of labor in the United States. Mexico’s
Labor Movement in Transition The Mexican labor movement has been undergoing a profound transformation in the last ten years, the result of twenty years of neoliberal economic policies and the transformation of the Mexican one-party state.1 A new independent labor movement has emerged which has not only broken with the old state-controlled labor-relations system, but has also put itself forward as the leader of the social movements, and, at the moment, appears as a real political force that can challenge the government. Made in Venezuela:
The Struggle to Reinvent Venezuelan Labor Last month, the National Union of Venezuelan Workers (UNT) turned two. Since its inception in May 2003, the UNT has been at the center of debates surrounding the advances of Venezuela's revolution in the labor arena. At root, these debates turn on issues of worker control: over their factories and over their unions. Democracy is at the heart of the attempt by Venezuelan workers to reinvent a labor movement long characterized by corruption and class collaboration. c o n t
e n t s With the failure of its three previous attempts since 2002 to topple the Bolivarian Revolution of President Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, Washington has recently announced a new "containment" strategy for crippling the democratically elected and socialist-oriented government of Latin America's leading oil power. | more |. REVIEW
OF THE MONTH 2005 marks the
fiftieth anniversary of the death of Albert Einstein and the centennial of the
publication of five of his major scientific papers that transformed the study
of physics. Einstein's insights were so revolutionary that they challenged not
only established doctrine in the natural sciences, but even altered the way
ordinary people saw their world. By the 1920s he had achieved international
popular renown on a scale that would not become usual until the rise of the
contemporary celebrity saturated tabloids and cable news channels. His
recondite scientific papers as well as interviews with the popular press were
front page news and fodder for the newsreels. Usually absent, however, was any
sober discussion of his participation in the political life of his times as an
outspoken radical-especially in profiles and biographies after his death. [READ: “Why Socialism?” by Albert Einstein, Dialectical
Nature: Reflections in Honor of the Twentieth Anniversary of Levins and
Lewontin’s The Dialectical Biologist Richard Levins wrote in these pages (July-August 1986) that an appreciation of history and science is necessary to understand the world, challenge bourgeois ideological monopoly, and transcend religious obscurantism. Knowledge of science and history is needed in order not only to comprehend how the world came to be, but also to understand how the world can be changed. Marx and Engels remained committed students of the natural sciences throughout their lives, filling notebooks with detailed comments, quotes, and analyses of the scientific work of their time. Marx, through his studies of Greek natural philosophy-in particular Epicurus-and the development of the natural sciences, arrived at a materialist conception of nature to which his materialist conception of history was organically and inextricably linked. Marx and Engels, however, rejected mechanical materialism and reductionism, insisting on the necessity of a dialectical analysis of the world. Engels's Dialectics of Nature serves as an early, unfinished attempt to push this project forward. A materialist dialectic recognizes that humans and nature exist in a coevolutionary relationship. Human beings are conditioned by their historical, structural environment; yet they are also able to affect that environment and their own relationship to it through conscious human intervention. Labor Imperialism
Redux?: Throughout much of its history, the AFL-CIO has carried out a reactionary labor program around the world. It has been unequivocally established that the AFL-CIO has worked to overthrow democratically-elected governments, collaborated with dictators against progressive labor movements, and supported reactionary labor movements against progressive governments. In short, the AFL-CIO has practiced what we can accurately call "labor imperialism." The appellation "AFL-CIA" has accurately represented reality and has not been left-wing paranoia. Dressing the
Wound: Organizing Informal Sector Workers Neoliberal capitalism, which has dominated the world's economies for the past thirty years, has been disastrous for the exploited and oppressed masses. Not only have workers been increasingly oppressed, but the nature of the work they do has changed dramatically. While organized workers try to remain on their feet, production moves to the unorganized sectors. The production process is dispersed to small-sized enterprises. Outsourcing has spread so much that millions of workers bring their work home to continue production for their factories. Employment without insurance no longer constitutes an exception, but has become the norm. A worker with insurance is considered to be lucky. The number of unorganized women and child workers has increased rapidly. Working hours and labor laws have become more "flexible." Order-based production has destroyed job security. Full-time, regular employment has been gradually replaced by part-time, temporary, and precarious work. Thus, the informal sector (which encompasses child labor, migrant workers, temporary workers, contract workers, domestic workers, homeworkers, and workers in small production units and subcontractor firms) has become more and more prevalent around the world. Guantánamo
and the New Legal Order The "war against terrorism" has provided all executive branches of the leading Western governments with a perfect opportunity to make some deep adjustments to society. These changes are so far-reaching that they approach a shedding of the old political regime. We in the West are witnessing a reversal of the role of criminal procedure right across the board. Its usual function-to guarantee fundamental freedoms and cap the powers of police and government-is morphing into the opposite, a suspension of constitutional order. By extending exceptional proceedings to all stages of the criminal process-from inquiry to trial-private life is being invaded and the expression of public freedoms chilled. The antiterrorist legislation is explicitly political, and the subjectivity of its approach leaves significant room for interpretation. The arbitrary nature of the antiterrorist measures comes out particularly clearly in the lists of individuals and organizations officially labeled as "terrorists." Being listed means that one can legally be subjected to measures such as close-up surveillance, violation of the privacy of all means of communication from mail to electronic, and having bank accounts frozen. CORRESPONDENCE The Bush administration's denial of imperial ambitions clashes not only with what most of the world sees as this nation's unprovoked aggression in Iraq and drive for global domination. It also departs from U.S. tradition established in the early years of the republic and the colonial era that preceded it. REPORT
FROM VENEZUELA Alcasa, a state-owned aluminum processing plant in the southeastern state of Bolívar, has long been an important employer in a region where the lion's share of Venezuela's mining and processing plants are located. Yet since the mid-1990s it has been plagued by inefficiency and corruption. According to Trino Silva, secretary general of the union, Alcasa's production has been in "the red" for the past sixteen years. Though the aluminum they produce is in high demand and despite considerable production increases over the past few years, the company has been unable to turn a profit. Silva blames a corrupt factory management that used Alcasa as its piggy bank throughout the 1990s, all the while holding the threat of privatization over workers' heads. It was no idle threat. A few miles down the road, SIDOR, one of Latin America's largest steel plants and long the pride of the state Venezuelan Corporation of Guyana (CVG), was privatized in 1997. From a workforce approaching 20,000 full-time direct employees (with several thousand more contract and temporary workers) in the late 1980s, SIDOR has downsized to only 4,000 direct employees and approximately 6,000 contract workers. |
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