The Political Writings of Bhagat Singh
Edited by Chaman Lal and Michael D. Yates
978-1-68590-066-3 / $26 / 272 pages
Reviewed by Brant Roberts for Orinoco Tribune
On the 23rd of March 1931, Bhagat Singh was hanged to death for waging revolution against the British colonial government in Lahore, Pakistan at the young age of 23. His writings against colonialism and imperialism have far outlived him and their relevance is still as strong today as it was then. Recently republished as The Political Writings of Bhagat Singh by Monthly Review Press, his many essays serve to guide a new generation of revolutionaries against both new and renewed challenges. Providing a theoretical whetstone to sharpen our political vision.
As much a man of action as an intellectual, Singh fits neatly within the imprisoned Italian communist leader Antonio Gramsci’s definition of the organic intellectual. Organic intellectuals are distinguished by their role as the active ideological leaders of a rising class, or set of classes, rather than as leaders of a contemporary ruling class. They not only represent the intellectual edge of the rising classes, but are also active in the leadership positions of the popular formations which make up the classes in question. Within both Gramsci and Singh’s era: the industrial workers, the peasantry, labor unions, agrarian cooperatives, and political parties. Living a more subterranean existence than traditional intellectuals, the organic intellectuals lay the groundwork for future clashes between the classes they represent and the state.
Singh accepted his place in history as a martyr for Indian independence while fighting to organize peasants, workers, and students under the banner of the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA). Having been captured after killing a British colonial policeman, Singh and his comrade B.K. Dutta used their time in court to put the colonial-state on trial. Like many incarcerated Palestinians languishing in Israeli military prisons, both of them understood their role as colonial-prisoners as a compass for India’s liberation, as they stated:
“We deliberately offered ourselves to bear the penalty for what we had done and to let the imperialist exploiters know that by crushing individuals, they cannot kill ideas. By crushing two insignificant units a nation cannot be crushed… Conspiracy cases, trumped up or discovered, and the incarceration of all young men who cherish the vision of a great ideal, cannot check the march of a revolution.”
Though today it would be difficult to describe either Singh or Dutta as “insignificant” in any sense of the word, their opinion of their eventual martyrdom is reminiscent of Gramsci’s allusion to the manure of history, stating that both “ploughmen and manure are necessary” for ploughing the land – hence making history. And while they would likely prefer to think of themselves as the latter, it would be hard for one not to think of them as the former.
Originally published in 2023 in India with Leftword Books, The Political Writings of Bhagat Singh encompasses 24 essays, letters, and statements containing a powerful revolutionary prose. His passion and dedication to the cause of revolution and national liberation is refreshing to read. Organized chronologically, the writings begin from when he was 18 years old to his final prison notes at the age of 23, and is well supplemented by an excellent biographical introduction by Chaman Lal and Michael Yates. A combination of his most renowned works from “What is Anarchism” to “Why I am an Atheist” and lesser-known introspective essays from his early years, this selection of essays is both timely and necessary.
Echoing the likes of Adolfo Gilly’s “A Political Defense” and Fidel Castro’s “History will Absolve Me” in their trial defenses against neocolonial governments, Singh and Dutta wrote his “Statement to the Delhi Sessions Court” more as a form of political agitation for the Indian masses than simply a defense of their actions. Skillfully critiquing the colonial government, the British occupation, and their laws which maintained the exploitation of India, both men gave voice to revolutionary aspirations and brought up the similar points as Castro in reminding the court that violence is morally justified “when it is used in the furtherance of a legitimate cause.” They concluded by stating:
“Revolution is an inalienable right of mankind. Freedom is an imperishable birth right of all. Labour is the real sustainers of society, the sovereignty of the ultimate destiny of the workers. For these ideals, and for this faith, we shall welcome any suffering to which we may be condemned. At the altar of this revolution we brought our youth as incense, for no sacrifice is too great for so magnificent a cause. We are content; we await the advent of Revolution.”
Singh not only focused his attention on the British, but also on the internal struggles in India. In his essay on “The Issue of Untouchability” he strikes hard against those who would seek to maintain caste oppression, and agitates for Dalits to organize for their own liberation as well. What follows is a thorough critique of the cultural propaganda which supported Dalit exploitation, and Singh ends the work with a call to action:
“Rise, recognize your strength. Get organized. In reality, without making your efforts, you will get nothing. Those who would be free must themselves strike the blow. Those who want freedom must fight for independence… Gradual, slow reforms will lead you nowhere. Create a revolution with social agitation and tighten your belts for a political and economic revolution. You are the foundation of the country, the real strength. Awake the sleeping lions! Rise and revolt!”
Singh’s brilliance belies his young age and his essay “To Young Political Workers” shows a political maturity that any older revolutionary would have been proud to have written. Similar to Vladimir Lenin’s What is to be Done, he expounds on the state of the political crisis facing the Indian liberation movement and offers a new conception of the party-form that the HSRA should take. His understanding of strategy, of when to go on the offensive, when to retreat, when to go underground, and his application of military maneuvers to politics reveals his cogent sense of tactics. His criticisms of the Indian National Congress party – Nehru and Gandhi in particular – for their unwillingness to organize the factory proletariat and peasantry were both timely and necessary when written.
Like many factions for Palestinian liberation, the Indian liberation movement also consisted of both religious and secular elements. In a political moment where both religious and secular forces are openly opposed to an occupying force, working together to fight against a common enemy can be a necessity. Singh and his comrades in the HSRA were secular yet they did not disavow working with leaders like Lala Lajpat Rai, who slowly moved his allegiance towards communal forces, even asking him to lead a demonstration against the Simon Commission in 1928 and going so far as to avenge his death afterwards. With alpine clarity they could clearly envision what was ultimately an important strategy in mobilizing the masses against colonialism.
Ours too is an age of anticolonial revolution. The Palestinian national liberation movement, with its many factions, led primarily by Hamas, continues to bear the brunt of genocidal onslaught from the Zionist entity while fighting for a unified, independent Palestine. Like the Palestinian guerrilla operation on October 7th, the HSRA hit directly at their colonizers:
“With a group of fewer than one hundred persons, he and his comrades unnerved and rattled the most powerful empire on earth. Through the HSRA, they struck their own path to martyrdom, inspiring and stirring millions of people.”
Both actions inspired solidarity across the world and revealed the cracks within each colonizing power. Singh’s republished essays provide not only a fulcrum from which we can theorize how to further aid the Palestinian cause from abroad, but how we can engage in practical solidarity as well.
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