Articles

A Note on Du Boff and Herman

by Ellen Meiksins Wood

November 1, 1997

I'm taking the liberty of appending this note because, though Du Boff and Herman's article is directed mainly at Bill Tabb, it refers to some of the things I've written about globalization.…Recently, I got a letter from Bill Doyle, who wrote, "After reading Ed Herman's comments in Z (magazine), I re-read your article and couldn't see why Ed was so exercised. I'd be interested to know if you see a substantial difference between the two of you, and, if so, what it is." Here, with some minor changes and additions, is what I wrote back.

Notes from the Editors, October 1997

by The Editors

October 1, 1997

We are writing at the end of August. The two main events of the summer have been (1) the apparent ending of the long stock-market boom of the last few years, and (2) the successful strike of the teamsters against UPS. Neither can be said to have been anticipated and together they point to the emergence of new trends in the period ahead.

Che’s Revolutionary Humanism

by Michael Löwy

October 1, 1997

Global neoliberalism parades victoriously through our era, monopolizing its discourse and ideology. To confront the inherent perversity of the capitalist system's universal domination we need, more than ever, alternative modes of thinking and acting that are universal, global, planetary. We need ideas and models that, in a thoroughly radical fashion, confront the worship of the market and of money which has become the dominant credo of the moment. As is the case with very few other leftist leaders of the twentieth century, the legacy of Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara—universal spirit, internationalist and consistent revolutionary—continues to mount such a challenge.

Notes from the Editors, September 1997

by The Editors

September 1, 1997

In its most recent issue (July 17th) Doug Henwood's excellent Left Business Observer, now in its seventh year of publication, highlights what may come to be seen as an important turning point in current economic history. The gist of it is that Alan Greenspan and his supporters at the Federal Reserve have come to the conclusion that inflation is no longer a serious problem and the real threat today is deflation. "For all the bad press that inflation gets, deflation is generally far worse for all but the richest and best-positioned.…Greenspan and Co. might not fear an exact replay of the 1929-32 collapse, but clearly that's the 'it' that central bankers don't want ever to happen again" (to paraphrase the title of Hyman Minsky's classic book Can 'It' Happen Again?).

More (or Less) on Globalization

by Paul M. Sweezy

September 1, 1997

Much has been written about "globalization" in the last few years. It is not my intention to add to this literature but only to put the topic into the context of my own understanding of the history of capitalism.…Globalization is not a condition or a phenomenon: it is a process that has been going on for a long time, in fact ever since capitalism came into the world as a viable form of society four or five centuries ago; (dating the birth of capitalism is an interesting problem but not relevant for present purposes). What is relevant and important, is to understand that capitalism is in its innermost essence an expanding system both internally and externally. Once rooted, it both grows and spreads. The classic analysis of this double movement is of course Marx's Capital.

Between Nuremburg and Amnesia: The Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa

by Beth S. Lyons

September 1, 1997

The conscious crafting of an honest history by a state commission is a rare enough event to justify our calling your attention to South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission. But this writing of history is incomplete, in the same degree as the process of change in South Africa. Certain brute facts are ignored and avoided, and this avoidance was the condition of the bargain accepted by the ANG. As per South Africa's Freedom Charter, now it can in some meaningful sense be said that "South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white." But what belongs to whom is the question left unaddressed as the very condition of the transition negotiations, transferring its tension into all aspects of that transition, not least any permitted debate over present remedies for a history of injustice. The amnesty provisions of the Constitutional compromise are also the source of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. As Beth Lyons asks, was amnesty too high a political price to pay to gain the possibility of a transition to majority rule while averting civil war? When considering this fascinating and hotly debated topic, do not forget the forbidden question that gives it force. Was placing the pre-existing structure of ownership and economic control beyond the bounds of permitted question too high a price to pay? The displacement of the (prohibited) second question into the (permitted) first question is the secret of the process on which we focus.

—The Editors

Notes from the Editors, July-August 1997

by The Editors

July 1, 1997

As of early summer the economic outlook for the rest of 1997, as portrayed in the major media, could hardly be brighter. "Strong growth with little unemployment and low inflation doesn't have to peter out….Could it possibly get any better than this?" exults Business Week (January).…Up to a point this is clearly a case of déjà vu all over again. A "new era" was widely and enthusiastically proclaimed by professors, pundits, and plain people as the stock market boom of the 1920s neared its peak. A few months later the market collapsed, and the greatest depression in U.S. history began. The big question now is whether the rest of the scenario of the 1920s and the 1930s is likely to repeat itself. The answer of the media and Wall Street and probably of plenty of plain people too is a resounding NO.

Labor, The State, and Class Struggle

by Ellen Meiksins Wood

July 1, 1997

After a long period of sustained attack by governments of various stripes, a steady deterioration of working and living standards, and declines in membership and militancy, there are encouraging signs that organized labor is moving again. This may come as a surprise to many, not least on the left, who have long since written off the labor movement as an oppositional force; and it may begin to challenge some of the most widespread assumptions about the nature and direction of contemporary capitalism, assumptions often shared by activists and intellectuals on the left as well as the right.…Although it is, of course, too early to make big claims about this trend, it does seem to be a good moment to take a close look not only at these new signs of activism but also at the nature of labor today and at the environment in which the labor movement now has to navigate.

Notes from the Editors, June 1997

by The Editors

June 1, 1997

It is encouraging to find that in the face of constantly changing trends within academia, there was such a strong turnout for the 1997 Socialist Scholars Conference—on a rainy Easter weekend (March 28-30) over 1,700 people came out in full force. There was a feeling of excitement in the halls and class rooms of the Borough of Manhattan Community College that may just signify both a return to Marxist politics and a revitalization of the U.S. labor movement. The opening plenary speeches were full of hope and enthusiasm: from Daniel Singer who pointed out that "the ideological swing to the right has probably come to an end…cracks are beginning to appear in the ruling ideology and popular resistance is growing" to Bob Wages, president of the Oil, Chemical, and Atomic Workers Union, who emphasized the importance of class politics that challenges, rather than accepts the Democratic party.

Back to Marx

by Ellen Meiksins Wood

June 1, 1997

Let me start with a provocative claim, which is contrary to all the conventional wisdom. The claim I want to make is that this historical moment, the one we're living in now, is the best not the worst, the most not the least appropriate moment to bring back Marx. I'll even claim that this is the moment when Marx should and can come fully into his own for the first time—not excluding the historical moment when he actually lived.

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